英译中New Media and the Information SocietyFor Castells (1996): ‘we are not living in a global village,but in customised cottages globally produced and locally distributed’.The newly emergent information society is characterised by a media cul

英译中New Media and the Information SocietyFor Castells (1996): ‘we are not living in a global village,but in customised cottages globally produced and locally distributed’.The newly emergent information society is characterised by a media cul
英译中New Media and the Information Society
For Castells (1996): ‘we are not living in a global village,
but in customised cottages globally produced and locally distributed’.
The newly emergent information society is characterised by a media culture
that is more individuated and less homogenous than before. The culture of ‘real
virtuality’ opens out a world where popular moralities and perceptions opened by
soap operas can have as much if not greater impact on modern sensibilities as the
moral strictures of politicians. Indeed we can probably think of numerous examples
where the ‘popular’ and the ‘political’ have become irreversibly intertwined. This
might invoke soap opera’s raising political questions, the development of so-called
infotainment, politicians receiving media training, protests deliberately designed
to attract maximum media exposure and the development of the art of media spin.doctoring. Taken together these aspects and others speak of a new media and
cultural environment that presses the case that unless you are on television then
you are not in politics. Here I shall open out two such examples from the many
that appear in Castells’s three-volume study; they are the politics of scandal and
some of the avenues social movements have explored by utilising new media
technologies.
Scandal politics develops within the general context of an increasingly
televisual society. This has come to the fore against a backdrop where political
concerns are frequently played out and reported by the media as a cynical and
strategic game. This privileges the presentation of political issues in a fast paced
and punchy style, which in turn prioritises the culture of the sound bite. Further,
the visualisation and corresponding trivialization of political issues through
television gives an added emphasis to the ‘personalities’ rather than the substantive
issues at stake in political debate. Television produces a kind of binary politics
where complex positions are boiled down into digestible categories. The personalisation
of politics and the decline of ideological contrasts between the major political
parties, produces the grounds for the central forms of struggle in the age of
‘informational politics’. In an era where distinctions between political parties
are increasingly being replaced by more instrumental forms of manoeuvering that
seek to interrupt themes and positions previously occupied by opposing political
parties, the whiff of scandal can create a sense of political division and untrustworthiness.
The fact that major political parties are both involved in expensive
forms of image making while being simultaneously chronically under-funded makes
them increasingly likely to accept money under the table.
有追加

英译中New Media and the Information SocietyFor Castells (1996): ‘we are not living in a global village,but in customised cottages globally produced and locally distributed’.The newly emergent information society is characterised by a media cul
For Castells (1996): ‘we are not living in a global village,
因为翻译(1996):“我们不是生活在一个地球村,
but in customised cottages globally produced and locally distributed’.
但在全球范围内为客户量身定制的农舍和局部分布产生的.
The newly emergent information society is characterised by a media culture
新突现的是信息社会倡导一种的媒体文化
that is more individuated and less homogenous than before.
这是更多的个性化、更少的均匀的量也比以前减少了.
The culture of ‘real
“真正的文化
virtuality’ opens out a world where popular moralities and perceptions opened by
虚拟化的揭示了这样一个世界,在那里受欢迎的道德观和感知开
soap operas can have as much if not greater impact on modern sensibilities as the
肥皂剧能拥有尽可能多的,如果不是更大冲击的现代意识
moral strictures of politicians.
道德狭窄的政客.
Indeed we can probably think of numerous examples
我们确实可以可能会想到无数的例子
where the ‘popular’ and the ‘political’ have become irreversibly intertwined.
在“流行”和“政治”已成为不可逆转的纠缠在一起.
This
这
might invoke soap opera’s raising political questions, the development of so-called
肥皂剧的提高可能会调用的发展政治问题,所谓了
infotainment, politicians receiving media training, protests deliberately designed
收到信息娱乐,政客们的精心设计,抗议媒体训练
to attract maximum media exposure and the development of the art of media spin.doctoring.
同时要最大程度吸引媒体的曝光率和技巧的发展spin.doctoring媒体.
Taken together these aspects and others speak of a new media and
汇总上述方面和别人说话的一种新的媒体和
cultural environment that presses the case that unless you are on television then
文化环境的压的情况下,除非你是在电视上即可
you are not in politics.
你不是在政治.
Here I shall open out two such examples from the many
在这里,我要开两个这样的例子从许多
that appear in Castells’s three-volume study; they are the politics of scandal and
出现在翻译研究的3卷;他们的政治丑闻
some of the avenues social movements have explored by utilising new media
社会运动的一些途径等方面,探索以充份利用新媒体
technologies.
技术.
Scandal politics develops within the general context of an increasingly
在综合丑闻政治发展背景下的一个日益增长的
televisual society.
televisual社会.
This has come to the fore against a backdrop where political
这已经出现了一些新变化万千的天幕衬托下因政治
concerns are frequently played out and reported by the media as a cynical and
关注点是经常播放和报道的媒体作为一种玩世不恭和
strategic game.
战略游戏.
This privileges the presentation of political issues in a fast paced
这个特权陈述的政治问题在快节奏
and punchy style, which in turn prioritises the culture of the sound bite.
而有力的风格,而这反过来又会prioritises声音咬的文化.
Further,
进一步的,
the visualisation and corresponding trivialization of political issues through
成像和相应的琐碎化的政治问题通过
television gives an added emphasis to the ‘personalities’ rather than the substantive
电视节目给一个额外的重点的性格”,而不是实体
issues at stake in political debate.
政治辩论议题的股份.
Television produces a kind of binary politics
电视产生一种二元政治
where complex positions are boiled down into digestible categories.
位置在哪里被煮熟的复杂问题分解成消化的类别.
The personalisation
这personalisation
of politics and the decline of ideological contrasts between the major political
政治和意识形态的反差的衰落主要的政治
parties, produces the grounds for the central forms of struggle in the age of
政党,所生产的理由在中央形式的斗争的未成年人
‘informational politics’.
“信息政治的.
In an era where distinctions between political parties
在这样一个时代的地方政党之间的区别
are increasingly being replaced by more instrumental forms of manoeuvering that
越来越多地取代工具形式的操纵,更多吗
seek to interrupt themes and positions previously occupied by opposing political
寻求打断主题和立场,以前被反对政治
parties, the whiff of scandal can create a sense of political division and untrustworthiness.
尽管丑闻不大,双方可以创造出一种政治分歧和untrustworthiness.
The fact that major political parties are both involved in expensive
这一事实,主要政治党派都参与贵
forms of image making while being simultaneously chronically under-funded makes
形式的图像制作的时候,由于长期革新同时作出的
them increasingly likely to accept money under the table.
他们更加可能会接受你的钱在桌子底下.

对于卡斯特（1996）：'我们不是生活在一个地球村，
但在全球范围内生产和定制别墅局部分布'。
新出现的信息社会的特点是媒体文化
这是更个性化和同质比以前少。的'真正的文化
虚拟'打开了一个世界里，流行的道德和观念开幕
肥皂剧可以有很多如果不是更大的作为对现代情感的影响
政治家的道德责难。事实上，我们或许可以想到很多例子
那里的...

全部展开

对于卡斯特（1996）：'我们不是生活在一个地球村，
但在全球范围内生产和定制别墅局部分布'。
新出现的信息社会的特点是媒体文化
这是更个性化和同质比以前少。的'真正的文化
虚拟'打开了一个世界里，流行的道德和观念开幕
肥皂剧可以有很多如果不是更大的作为对现代情感的影响
政治家的道德责难。事实上，我们或许可以想到很多例子
那里的'流行'和'政治'已成为不可逆转地交织在一起。这
可引用肥皂剧的提高政治提出的问题，所谓的发展
娱乐，政治人物接受媒体培训，抗议故意设计
以尽可能吸引媒体曝光和媒体自旋艺术的发展。篡改。两者合计这些方面以及其他新媒体发言，并
印刷机的文化和环境的情况，除非你在电视上，然后
你是不是政治。在这里，我将开出两个这样的例子很多
出现在卡斯特的三卷研究，它们是丑闻的政治和
对一些社会运动途径探索利用新媒体
技术。
丑闻在政治发展的总体情况越来越
透过电视的社会。这碰到的背景下脱颖而出的地方政治
经常上演的关注和报道作为一个愤世嫉俗的媒体和
战略游戏。这种特权的政治问题的介绍在快节奏
和冲击力的风格，而这反过来又排定优先声音的咬文化。此外，
可视化和政治问题通过相应的平凡
电视给出的'性格'增加的强调，而不是实质性的
问题在政治辩论的股份。电视产生了一种二元政治
在复杂的职位类别水煮成可消化下来。个性化
政治和意识形态的下降主要政治之间的对比
当事人，生产的斗争中形成的时代最重要的理由
'信息政治学。在某一个时代的政党之间的区别
正越来越多地取代了更多的工具形式布阵
打断对方寻求政治主题和立场先前被占领
当事人，尽管丑闻不大能创造一个政治分裂和靠不住的感觉。
认为主要政党都在昂贵参与的事实
图像形式的决策，同时被同时长期资金不足使得
他们越来越有可能接受桌下的钱。

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